UTOPIAS OF RECONSTRUCTION:
CHINESE UTOPIANISM FROM
HONG XIUQUAN TO MAO ZEDONG
Baogang Guo*
Dalton State College
Although the term “utopianism” originated
from Greek language, the idea of a perfect society is rooted deeply in Chinese
history and culture. In about the same
time as the publication of Plato’s Republic,
Confucius wrote Book of Rites. In the chapter named "Li Yun Pian," he envisioned the
final phase of human development, namely, Datong
("the Great Unity").[1] In another book he wrote, Spring and Autumn, Confucius put to use
a different term Taiping for the last
stage of the ideal society “the State of Eternal Peace.” Since then, Datong and Taiping have become the synonym of the Chinese utopia, and have
been used widely in various forms of futurist studies in China. Datong
ideas in general embrace a worldly community and universal brotherhood based on
universal humanity. However, most of
the late utopian thinking and proposals did not go much beyond the prescription
in Book of Rites. Only in the last two centuries have the
Chinese political elite showed renewed interest in utopianism. Systematic
efforts were made by many to finally bring about that millennium into this
world.
This study identifies and compares utopian
ideas and practices of four most influential Chinese political leaders in
modern Chinese history. They are Hong Xiuquan (1813-1864), the leader of the
Taiping Rebellion, Kang Youwei (1858-1927), the leader of the Hundred Days
Reform, Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925), the leader of the Nationalist revolution, and
Mao Zedong (1893-1976), the leader of Communist revolution. One notable feature of these Chinese
political leaders is their strong orientation of this worldliness. According to Lewis Mumford, there are two
kinds of utopianism: "utopia of reconstruction" which seeks to change
the existing world to a better one, and "utopia of escape" which
leaves the existing world as it is and seeks an external paradise.[2] The latter is often seen in religious
prophet, such as Buddhist "nirvana," or Daoist “state of
nature.” The former is often reflected
by many western political thinkers, such as Plato,[3]
B. F. Skinner, [4] and F.
Bacon. [5] The four Chinese leaders all criticize the
existing social and political norms, and their radical programs are all aimed
at restructuring the society in its entirety. To be sure, there are many
differences between Hong, Kang, Sun, and Mao. Their differences, however, lie
not in their program designs, but in their choice of means for the
reconstruction. For Kang, this means a gradual top-down reform, and for Sun and
Mao, this means a bottom-up revolution.
Therefore, the utopian elements in the political thoughts of these
Chinese leaders can be best characterized as "utopias of
reconstruction."
The
goals of this study are twofold. First, I want to uncover the utopian elements
of the four Chinese political leaders. Secondly, I will illustrate the
intellectual roots of their utopian thinking, and try to construct an analytic
framework in order to gain a better understand of the nature of the modern
Chinese utopianism. To accomplish these goals, I will first exam Hong Xiuquan's
Christian utopian ideas and his
radical utopian programs carried out during
the Taiping Tianguo period.
Then, Kang Youwei's Confucian-Buddhist utopia and his one-world
philosophy will be analyzed. Next, the utopian socialist elements of Sun
Yat-sen's “Three Principles of the People” will be studied. Finally, Mao Zedong's effort to construct
the communist utopia through people’s communes and the Cultural Revolution will
be scrutinized.
HONG XIUQUAN: THE CHRISTIAN VERSION
The creation of a utopian world tends to be
associated with the strong dissatisfaction with the prevailing social and
economic order. This is particularly true of Chinese utopian thinkers who lived
in an era of political upheavals and economic crises. The late 19th century and the early 20th
century is one of such critical periods in Chinese history. Many intellectuals at the time were deeply
disturbed by the nation’s degeneration into a “sick man of Asia.” They dreamed
of creating a better society with economic equality and social justice. Among
them, Hong Xiuquan stood out as the first Chinese leader who embraced the idea
of utopianism. He attempted to transform
China through his Taiping rebellion,
and established a Christian utopia called Taiping
Tianguo ("The Heavenly Kingdom of the Great Peace"). Although
Hong's Taiping concept derived
directly from the Chinese tradition, the blueprint for a Taiping society was strongly inspired and influenced by
Christianity. [6]
Hong
was born in 1813 to a poor peasant family in Southern China. He studied very hard in order to become a
civil servant in the imperial bureaucracy, yet he failed repeatedly the
increasingly competitive imperial civil service exams. While in Canton for an
exam in 1836, Hong heard a Christian missionary preach for the first time and
took some Christian pamphlets with him. Later he studied Christianity for two
months with an American missionary, the Reverend Issachar J. Roberts. Based on his rudimentary knowledge of this
Western religion, he organized "the God Worshipers' Society" and
attracted a large number of followers, predominantly disaffected peasants in
Southern China. Hong claimed that he was the younger brother of Jesus Christ,
and was commissioned to stamp out all demon worships, including Confucianism,
Buddhism, and Daoism, and to create a heavenly kingdom in this world. In 1851,
Hong and his followers launched a rebellion against the Qing dynasty. They pronounced the establishment of
"the Heavenly Kingdom of the Great Peace," which implied the
salvation of the world in a Christian sense.[7] The Taiping
army soon conquered Qing's southern capital city Nanking in 1853. The city now became the "Heavenly
Capital" of "the Heavenly Kingdom." Hong also became the "Heavenly King."
Unlike most of Chinese dynasties, Hong's
state was theocratic in nature. Christian influences could be found in many
aspects of the new state. First, Christianity was designated as the official
religion, and Christian moral codes were used to regulate followers’ conducts. The Book of Heavenly Commandments (Tian Dao
Shu), a document officially promulgated in 1852, contained the highest
behavior codes. “The Ten Heavenly Commandments” stipulated in the book was a
modified version of the Ten Commandments from the Old Testaments of the Bible.[8]
It prohibited worship of Chinese Gods. One official text stated:
Whether
to be noble or mean is for you to choose.
To
be a real man you must make an effort to improve yourself.
Follow
the teaching of the Ten Commandments
You
will enjoy the blessing of Paradise.[9]
Secondly, Christian principle of
universal brotherhood and sisterhood was used to construct an egalitarian
society. For instance, Taiping leaders
adopted Christian ideas of universal brotherhood and advocated the equality of
men and women. In practice, male and
female quarters were created, and no mixing of male and female groups would be
allowed. Foot binding polygamy, adultery, and prostitution were strictly
prohibited. This rigid religious observance of Christian morality made Taiping
closer to the Western Protestant fundamentalism. The following exception from The Principles of the Heavenly Nature (Tianjing Daolii Shu) highlights many of
the Taiping’s egalitarian ideas:
Now, basking in the profound
mercy of Heaven, we are of one family. Brothers and sisters are all of the same
parentage; as all are born of one Spiritual Father, why should there be
distinction of ‘you and I,’ or “others and ourselves?’ When there is clothing, let all wear it;
when there is food, let all eat of it. When someone is ill, others should ask a
doctor to treat him, and take care of his medicine… Safety for the old,
sympathy for the young, and compassion for the orphaned, all merged from the
Eastern King’s understanding of our Heavenly Father’s love for the living…[10]
Finally,
Taiping government determined to create Christian communities. The Land System of the Heavenly Kingdom
(Tianchao Tianmu Zhidu), promulgated in 1853, detailed a blueprint for the
total reorganization of the society.
The most radical feature of the Taiping
system was the abolishment of private properties. According to the plan, "nobody should keep private
property" and " all things should be presented to the supreme
rulers." All lands belonged to the state, but would be distributed for use
equally among the people. The plan also
asked for an equal distribution of social wealth. The whole country was to be
organized into many military districts. The basic social unit within each
district was the Twenty-five Families
Groups. Each group would select a group officer. A state treasury and a church would be established for each
group. Everyone would be given an equal amount in terms of both quality and
quantity. All harvests, after allocating for a family’s own use, would be
collected and put into the state treasury. The document also endorsed the
concept of economic planning.
"Each family of the country [was] required to raise five hens and
two hogs, in keeping with the proper breeding seasons."[11]
During off-seasons for military services and farming, military men must
performing other tasks such as pottery-making, metal-working, carpentry,
masonry, etc. All women were required to grow silkworms, to do weavings, and to
make clothes.
However, Much
of the blueprint was either never fully implemented or only carried out in
Nanking and its surrounding areas. The Qing army soon put down the Taiping movement. Despite the failure,
Hong’s utopian ideas and experiments are still rather unique in Chinese
history. This is the first time Christianity is used to support a revolutionary
cause in China. Albeit he never realized his dream of creating an everlasting
Christian paradise, Hong certainly contributed to the demise of the Qing
dynasty.
Hong’s Christian utopia is a hybrid version,
which many Westerners to this day still refuse to acknowledge its religious
legitimacy. His claim to be a younger brother of Jesus Christ certainly makes
him a heresiarch to many Christian believers in the world. Hong’s real
intention was probably to use the new faith as a powerful means to launch his
peasant revolution. In order to make it appeal to Chinese intellectuals as well
as peasants, the religion had to be recreated. Most of Hong’s preaching came
from the Old Testament. Many Chinese traditional values and beliefs, including
the concept of Taiping were combined
with the alien Christian gospels.
KANG YOUWEI: THE CONFUCIAN-BUDDHIST VERSION
Kang Youwei was also a brilliant
Confucian scholar in the late Qing dynasty.
He was lucky enough to pass each of the imperial exams, and became a Ju Ren, the highest academic honor a
scholar could get at the time. Kang,
however, did not accept Christianity, even though he might have had a better
understanding of the religion than Hong.
He chose to commit himself to the teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism,
and Western science and technology. His
greatest contributions to Chinese utopian thinking include the incorporation
Confucianism and Buddhism, and the formulation his one-world philosophy. He
re-interpreted Confucianism in an effort to make it compatible with his reform
needs. He applied Buddhist worldviews to his analysis of the worldly problems
laid before him, and designed a perfect Confucius-Buddhist utopia that would be
free from all sufferings.
Kang's utopian ideas were first
formulated in 1888 when he was only twenty-seven years old. In the same year,
he began to petition the Emperor Guangxu for moderate reforms. In 1898, he
finally had his chance. But the intervention by the Empress Dowager ended the
Hundred Days Reform abruptly, and Kang was forced to flee China. While in exile, he completed his book Datong Shu in1902, five years after the
failed reform. This fascinating book swept away his commonly perceived image as
a conservative political thinker. In the book, he called for the abolishment of
private properties, social classes, nation-states, families, and all racial
distinctions. Those ideas were indeed so radical, that the complete version of
this book was not published until 1935, eight years after his death and
twenty-three years after its completion.
The principal theme of this book is the
dichotomy of suffering (Ku) and
happiness (le), apparently borrowed
from the Buddhist suffering-craving interpretation derived from the Four Noble Truths.
Thus
we see that the whole world is but a world of grief and misery, all the people
of the whole world are but grieving and miserable people, and all the living
beings of the whole world are but murdered beings. The azure Heaven and the
round Earth are nothing but a great slaughter-yard, a great prison.[12]
According
to Kang, there were six kinds of suffering of all human beings. They included
sufferings from living, natural calamities, conditions of life, governments,
and human feelings being objects of honor and esteem.[13]
All of these sufferings, Kang believed, originated from nine distinctions:
distinctions between states, classes, races, sexes, families, occupations,
sphere of chaos, species and sphere of suffering. The states system divided the world into territories and tribes,
which caused wars. The social classes
divided people into rich and poor, honored and humble, which caused
inequalities. The existence of different races further divided people by their
skin colors. The distinctions between males and females produced gender
inequality. The family structure
confined human love and prevents universal love. The occupational distinctions
made people "consider the products of farmers, artisans, and merchants as
their own." The sphere of chaos
" [had] systems that are unfair, unreasonable, non-uniform and
unjust." The distinctions between
species divided species into human beings and animals. The spheres of suffering gave rise to the
cycle of suffering. [14]
Kang was a
strongly believer of the Hua-yen philosophy of Mahayana Buddhism. “Central to
the Hua-yen world view, “ according to Hao Chang, “is a radical vision of
undifferentiated oneness that precludes any dualistic mode of thinking,
including the dualism of this world versus the other world.”[15] Therefore, the solution to all the
sufferings, in Kang’s view, was not to abandon this world; instead, human being
must build a one-world, a world that is a universal community.[16]
This world community would be based on the foundation of Confucian “universal
love” and the “Buddha’s Doctrine of Equality.”[17]
Kang held that this moral-spiritual world of perfection was attainable in this
world. Kang’s solution to attain this world was to eliminate all states, and
establish a world government. In this new world, there would be no kings,
emperors, rulers, official titles or ranks; there would be no needs for
military since humanity would prevail. There would be no taxation, conscription,
crime, and punishment. All peoples
would be truly equal because there would be no class differences, no rich and
poor, and no slaves. What about
families? Kang's utopia would allow men
and women to sign a one-year (renewable) marriage contract. There would be no permanent families, no
private properties. All husband-wife or parents-child bonds would disappear.
Welfare was to be provided from “cradle to grave.” Five public institutions,
namely, Taijiao Yuan (Prenatal Care
Institute), Yuying Yuan
(Kindergarten), Mengyang Yuan (Schools), Yangbin
Yuan (Hospitals) and Yanglao Yuan
(Elderly Home), would take care of the human needs in their life cycles. Mature adults would be required to work in
those institutes as a part of mandatory services. In addition, adults would be
assigned jobs by the government. They
would live in public housing, eat in public dinning halls. Those proposals seem
to foreshadow the Great Leap Forward engineered by Communist leader Mao Zedong
in the 1950s. No wonder Liang Qichao,
Kang's students, characterized his teacher's program as essentially socialist.[18]
Kang provides
the most radical criticism for all existing social, political and economic
institutions. His solution is also earthshaking. However, Kang never called for
the realization of Datong immediately. Throughout his life, Kang had never become a
radical revolutionary; instead, he was only a radical dreamer.
SUN YAT-SEN: THE LIBERAL-SOCIALIST VERSION
Unlike Kang Youwei, Sun Yat-sen received his education in modern
western medicine. His concern was
centered primarily on how to modernize China with Western science and
technology, and how to bring democracy into Chinese society. This practical concern, however, did not
stop him from incorporating some of the traditional Chinese idealism,
messianism and utopianism into his liberal philosophy of the Three Principles
of the People, which include nationalism, democracy and people’s livelihood.
While his immediate
goals were to restore China’s sovereignty, to establish a liberal republic, and
to strengthen China with Western science and technology, Sun did consider this
to be merely a first step towards his cosmopolitan goals, namely to unify the
world and to build a Datong world.
For Sun, Datong means "the Great
Commonwealth,” rather than the "Great Unity." Datong,
according to Chiang Kai-shek's interpretation, " is the highest ideal
which Dr. Sun Yat-sen has aimed at throughout his revolutionary career."[19] In his work, he mentioned the “divine
obligation” of China to create peaceful word. If we want China to rise to
power, we must not only restore our national standing, but we must also assume
a great responsibility towards the world… We must aid weaker and smaller
peoples and oppose the great powers of the world.[20]
Sun's ideal of
great commonwealth includes the following elements: a universal government
based on the principles of democracy and popular sovereignty; a socialist
economic system without competition and wage labor; a well-established social
security system to take care of the old, sick and young; and social equality
for men and women. There shall be no
distinction in social classes, genders, occupations and religions. Economy will be carefully planned to meet
everyone’s needs. Everyone will get
what he or she needs and work according to what he or she is capable of. Sun states:
"The meaning of the Three Principles of the Peoples simply means
ownership by the people, government by the people, and sharing of social wealth
by the people. It also means the¼
the Great Commonwealth that Confucius had hoped for."[21]
He mentioned specifically that Minsheng
Zhuyi (People's Livelihood) was a synonym of socialism, communism and Datongism.[22]
Sun interprets
the Chinese tradition of "governing the states and pacifying the world” as
a Chinese moral obligation to unify the world with Chinese moral foundation. He
considers the restoration of the Chinese nation to be a prerequisite for
embracing universalism, and to the realization of the Datong world.
If we want to be able to reach this ideal
[“governing the state and pacifying the world”—omitted by the translation] in
the future, we must now revive our national spirit, recover our national
standing, unifying the world upon the foundation of our ancient morality and
love of peace, and bring about a universal rule [datong—original words] of equality and fraternity. [23]
As one scholar put it, " in his turn
Sun Yat-sen was haunted by the yearning of an ultimate universal peace founded
upon a sense of brotherhood that would unify the peoples of the entire world.
He wanted to procure the welfare of his people as of other peoples; he wanted
to give peace within and without¼"[24]
In general, the
utopian elements of Sun’s idea are limited into two areas. First, he holds a strong feeling of Chinese
nationalism and messianism, which in turn gives rise to his belief that Chinese
can create a unified world based upon Chinese traditional morality, and that
Chinese have the obligation to promote the formation of the new world
commonwealth. Secondly, he believes that a socialist and communist society is
compatible with the capitalist one, and the difference between the two lies
only in the methods used to achieve the shared goals. [25] Sun devoted his whole life to his liberal
revolution. He was a memorized as real revolutionary pioneer. His idealist and
utopian goal of unifying the world with Chinese values has remained to be a
distance dream for his successors.
MAO ZEDONG: THE COMMUNIST VERSION
Communism has
been proven to be the most influential utopianism of the 20th
century. Although its founders Karl
Marx and Fredrich Engels tried carefully to distinguish themselves from utopianism
of all kinds,[26] their
disciples in the former Soviet Union, China, Cambodia, and many other places
built various utopian communities in their countries respectively. While Marx and Engels anticipated that the
proletarian revolution would take place in an advance capitalist country such
as the United States or Great Britain, all of the self-proclaimed communist
revolutions in the 20th century took place in economically backward
countries like Russia and China. These “coercive manipulations” did what Marx
would have considered to be impossible: to make a post-capitalist social
revolution in a pre-capitalist agrarian society. In doing so, they violated the basic assumption of Marxism: the
law of history must not be altered by human will, and human beings must follow
the law of history.[27]
Opening the pages of the history book of
the Communist revolution, we see an idealist Mao Zedong and his radical
comrades initiating several utopian projects to construct a utopian paradise in
China. Peter T. Manicas’s article in
this volume has a detailed discussion on Mao and his utopian ideas. I will focus primarily on some of the
utopian projects Mao initiated during the Great Leap Forward (1958-1960) and
the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).
The most important utopian project Mao
had supported was probably the experiment with the people's commune. The people’s commune was a rural
organization that was first invented by rural Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
cadres in 1957. Mao regarded the commune as a new form of political and
economic organizations. Seeing the potential for using the new community to
reconstruct a peasantry-based communist society, Mao pushed it with fanatic
zeal. The CCP formally launched the
communization movement in rural areas in August 1958. In just four months, people's communes spread across the entire
country. More than twenty-six thousands communes were established, which
included one hundred twenty million farm households. [28]
More than three million public dinning halls opened for business, and three
million collective nurseries were set up. The communes also established seventy
thousand small-scale industrial enterprises[29]. Mao wanted to develop an even bigger system
of “federation of communes” and urban
communes, but that effort was soon halted by the CCP Central Committee. The organization of the people’s commune not
only achieved the goal of collectivization of farmland; it was also used to
replace the existing local governments.
Mao pointed out,
The essence of the commune is to be the
basic unit of socialist social structure, combining industry, agriculture,
commerce, education, and military [affairs]. Its main function is to be the
organizer of production and life while at the same time embodying some
functions of political power, which it must retain.[30]
Peasants
were organized into a three-level system of production units: commune,
production brigades and production teams. All farmers, both males and females,
worked together on the collective farms, and ate in the collective dining
halls. Each commune was equal to a xiang, [31]
with about two thousand households. The traditional role of family, patriarchal
system, and monetary relations were to be destroyed due to “widespread social
security.” [32] Mao
indicated that commune members would have a two-day rest-time (for women it was
five days) each month. There shall be a six-hour work system with four hours
for study. When one of the county party secretaries in Shandong province
proposed to enter communism in three years, Mao praised his boldness and his
definition of communism.[33] Under the influence of Mao the communes were
pronounced by the CCP as the basic social units of a future communist society.[34]
The Great Leap
Forward involved an enormous amount of experimentation. It had no detailed
blueprint and soon encountered a major setback. Famines and extreme economic
hardship soon followed. After the
economic difficulties of 1959-61, the communes were reorganized. Their average
size was reduced, more autonomy was granted to the local production teams, a
limited number of private plots were given to farmers, and wages were paid
according to the work performed.
The failure of the Great Leap Forward did
not stop Mao from trying even larger scale utopian projects. He single-handedly launched the Cultural
Revolution and brought China into a decade of chaos. Radical factions headed by General Lin Biao and “the gang of
four” headed by Mao’s wife, Jiang Qing, pushed for political puritanism with
fanatic fervor. The utopian elements of this new political campaign, according
to Wang Lixong, were manifested mainly in three areas. First, Mao determined to
create a generation of new “red” men and women. Second, Mao mastered the use of
“grand democracy,” to manipulate mass support to smash his political enemies.
Finally Mao was also responsible for the creation of his own personality cult. [35]
Mao realized that he could not easily bring economic modernization to China in
his lifetime. But he thought he might be able to create a generation of
communist men and women, and to prevent the so-called revisionists from
changing the course of the revolution that he had engineered. To achieve this goal, he promoted many role
models such as Lei Feng, Wang Jinxi, Jiao Yulu and many others. He wanted all people to become “Da Gong Wu Si” (serving public interests
and being selfless). With his support, Red Guards attacked all traditional
values and establishments. Mao’s little
Red Book became their new bible. Mao sanctioned Red Guards’ radical actions and
gave them ultimate freedom to wage a new kind of revolution aimed at destroying
the entire bureaucratic system. The damages to that system were profound, yet
the goals of creating a socialist “new men” and a new socialist society
remained elusive. For all those efforts,
he will forever be remembered as “the
utopian prophet of our age.”[36]
It was only
until Mao's death in September, 1976, and the purge of the “gang of four” by a
coalition of moderate and conservative political leaders in October 1976, that
the Cultural Revolution was finally brought to an end. The post-Mao repudiation
of both the objectives and the consequences of the Cultural Revolution broke
the living nightmare of millions of innocent Chinese people, and brought about
a general disillusionment with communist ideas. It has thus far resulted in two
consequences: one is the “inevitable descent of Chinese society from initial
idealism into nihilism and cynically unbridled hedonism,” [37]
and the other, the acceptance of Deng Xiaoping’s no-nonsense pragmatism and his
down-to-earth economic reform.[38]
CONCLUSION
At the beginning of this
paper, I laid out two objectives for this study, namely, to discover the
utopian elements of some of the leading modern Chinese political thinkers, and
to build an analytical framework of modern Chinese utopianism. Now let’s
summarize some of the findings we have shown so far.
All four Chinese political thinkers we have examined manifest some
level of utopian thinking. Hong Xiuquan and Kang Youwei are both traditional
and learned scholars. Hong chooses to use Christian faith to construct his Taiping paradise, and Kang accepts
Buddhism as the foundation of his Datong
world community. Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong are both influential
revolutionaries who also embrace different Western ideas. Sun, on the one
hand, wants to build a liberal
democracy in China and to unify the world with Chinese morality, and Mao, on
the other, accepts the radical Marxism
and attempts to construct a communist utopia in China. Despite their differences, there are still
many similarities among them. All of
these political leaders share a common root in Chinese ancient utopian
tradition. They all adore the ancient
Chinese mental image of the final destination of mankind, the Datong society, and all of them try to
link their reforms and revolutions with that ultimate goal. All of them share the Confucian dream of
uniting the world into a global community.
In order to build a perfect world of equality and justice, they all
support the abolishment of private property ownership and the establishment of
the public ownership.
Implied in all of these is a strong
emphasis on the role of the state, and a strong rejection to some of the
prevailing features of capitalism, such as competition and individualism. This
anti-capitalist tendency, however, did not serve the purpose of modernizing
China well. Indeed, the unrealistic adventures and experiments in the periods
of Taiping Tianguo and the Great Leap
Forward brought some disastrous consequences, and were indeed detrimental to
China's transition to modernity. A utopia by its very nature is unattainable.
Why, then, is utopianism, either ancient or modern, so appealing to Chinese
leaders? Many European utopian writers
construct a utopia for the sake of escape, satire, and criticism. But Chinese leaders are attracted to this
fantasy of utopia of reconstruction mostly for the sense of urgency to
revitalize China. The sharply declining
national strength and the terrible sufferings the Chinese people have endured
stimulate radical thinkers to provide shock treatment and to move China on a
fast track. They consider utopia to be
a solution rather an escape from the existing world.
Max Weber is
wrong in believing that utopianism is absent in Chinese history. [39]
China indeed has rich history of utopian tradition, as other three authors in
this special edition have shown. Utopianism has had profound impact on Chinese
political thinkers, especially in the modern era. It has played an important
role in promoting radicalism in China.
Only after some costly defeats have the Chinese begun to realize its
destructive roles. There is nothing wrong in being a good dreamer; but it is
dangerous to try to establish the dreamland through some radical reconstruction
projects. Indeed, the utopias of reconstruction have not served the Chinese
well. .
* Baogang Guo is an assistant professor of
political science in Dalton State College, Dalton, Georgia. He wishes to
thank for the comments made by Pat Carmoney, He Li, Shiping Hua and other
anonymous reviewers on earlier drafts of this article.
[1]
Book of Rites (Liji), “Li Yun Pian,”
see the English translation by James Legge, The
Li Ki, Books I-X, in Sacred Books of
the East, Volume XXVII (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1885), P. 365-367.
There have been many different translations of the Chinese word
"Datong," including "Great Commonwealth," "Great
Unity," " Universal Commonwealth," "Grand Unity," and
"Great Community."
[2]
Lewis Mumford, The Story of Utopias
(New York: Viking Press, 1962), p. 15
[5]
Francis Bacon, New Atlantis, ed. by
G.C. Moor Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1900)
[6]
Jonathan Spence, The Taiping Vision of
Christian China (Waco, TX: Baylor University, 1996), p. 14.
[7]
John E. Schrecker, The Chinese Revolution
in Historical Perspective (New York: Praeger
Publishers, 1991), p.
98.
[8]
Mao Yongzhang, Taiping Tianguo Shimo Ji
(The Whole History of Heavenly Kingdom of the Great Peace) (Taipei: Taiwan
Shangwu Yinshu Guan, 1973), pp. 23-24.
[9]
A Primer in Verse (Yu Xue Shi), in
WM. Theodore de Bary, ed., Sources of
Chinese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), Vol. II., p.
28.
[12]
Laurence G. Thompson, The One World
Philosophy of Kang Yu-wei (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1958), p.
63
[13]
Ibid.,
pp. 73-75
[15] Hao Chang, Chinese Intellectuals in
Crisis: Search for Order and Meaning (1890-1911)
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), p. 57
[17]
Kang Youwei, “Jen-wo p’ien,” cited in Kung-Chuan Hsiao, A Modern China and a New World: K’ang Yu-wei, Reformer and Utopian,
1858-1927 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1987), p. 421
[18]
Hao Chang, op cit., p. 63. See also,
Hsiao Kung-chum, In and Out of Utopia:
Kang Yu-wei’s Social Thoughts (Seattle: University of Washington, 1969).
[19]
Chiang Kai-shek, "Chapters on National Fecundity, Social Welfare,
Education and Health and Happiness, " in Sun Yat-sen, Three Principles of the People (Taipei: China Cultural Service,
1992)
[22]
Ibid., Chinese version, p. 299. The original text is "Min Sheng ZhuYi is socialism, also
called communism, or Datongism." The official English translation by the
Party History Commission of the Nationalist Party in Taiwan omitted the entire
sentence for some reason.
[24]
Chai Winberg, The Political Thought of
Kang You-wei: a Study of Its Origin and Its Influences, Ph.D. thesis, New
York University, 1968, p. 188.
[25]
Sun again specifically pointed out in one of his lectures that “Minsheng Zhuyi is communism and
socialsim”, op cit., Chinese version,
p. 354
[26]
Fredrich Engels, Socialism: Scientific
and Utopian, in Marx & Engels, Selected
Works of Marx and Engels (Moscow: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1950),
Vol. 2.
[27]
For a discussion of the utopian nature of Marxism, see Alexander Yakovlev et
al., The Fate of Marxism in Russia,
translated by Catherine A. Fitzpatrick (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1993); Immanuel Walestein, “Marxism as Utopias: Evolving Ideologies,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 91,
No. 9 (May 1986), pp. 1295-1308.
[28]
Franz Schurmann, Ideology and
Organization in Communist China (Berkeley, University of California Press,
1968), p. 493.
[29]
The State Statistic Bureau: Wei Da De Shi
Nian (The Glorious Ten Years) (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1959),
p. 28.
[30]
Mao Zedong,” Talks at the First Zhengzhou Conference,” in The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao, ed. by Roderick MacFarquhar
et al. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989).
[33]
Wang Lixuong, "Maoism and Worldly Paradise," [on-line] Duowei News http://www.duoweinews.com/MainNews/Opinion/Sat_Dec_25_11_15_35_1999.html (12/26/1999)
[34]
CCP Central Committee, “Resolution on Questions Concerning People’s Commune,”
adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the
CCP, Dec. 10, 1958, cited from Maurice Meisner, Marxism, Maoism and Utopianism (Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1982), p. 67.
[37]
Jiwei Ci, Dialectic of the Chinese
Revolution: From Utopianism to Hedonism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1994), pp. 1-9
[38]
Franz Michael, “The End of Utopianism,” Modern
Age, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Fall 1991) pp. 31-37; Xueliang Ding, The Decline of Communism in China:
Legitimacy Crisis 1977-1989 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).